M D Nalapat
Trump knows that it is Beijing and not Moscow that needs undivided attention ‘if the US is to ensure that it remains the globe’s largest economy’.
Almost the entire mainstream media in the US dislikes Donald Trump, 
and it shows. Television news reports, talk shows and newspaper 
commentary are filled with a toxicity towards Trump that is reminiscent 
of the vitriol directed against Chief Minister Narendra Modi from 2002 
to around 2012, the year when he became a serious prospect for the Prime
 Ministership of India. The abuse did little to damage Modi’s electoral 
prospects in his home state, and the constant level of negative 
commentary about Trump in the midst of an improved performance by the US
 economy is proving unable to reverse the steady rise in the approval 
rating of the 45th US President, which may soon cross the politically 
significant 50% mark. The Democratic Party has yet to recover from its 
folly of having been forced by the (still dominant) Clinton personal and
 political machine to reject Senator Bernie Sanders as the party’s 
nominee for the 2016 Presidential contest. Given the atmosphere in the 
US during that year, Hillary Clinton was certain to lose to Trump and 
Sanders to win. The US would have changed under a President Sanders in a
 manner as comprehensive as it is during the tenure of President Trump, 
but in a wholly different direction. However, on the issue of dealing 
with a rapidly nuclearising Democratic People’s Republic of Korea 
(DPRK), it is likely that Sanders would have trod much the same 
conciliatory path that Trump has been taking, except that in the 
latter’s case, his actual objectives and strategy remain a secret to all
 except the President himself and a handful of his confidants, many of 
the closest of whom are outside government, and most of whom have to 
date remained outside media attention. Indeed, those who have been 
written about in the media as being “close” to Donald Trump have usually
 found their welcome significantly reduced once such flattering reports 
come out. Influenced by an overwhelmingly hostile media across both 
sides of the Atlantic, the global perception about President Trump is 
that he changes his mind often and lacks either vision or a well thought
 out plan of action that could fulfil his stated objectives. The reality
 is that Trump does indeed have both a vision as well as a plan designed
 to ensure its fruition, but covers up both through camouflaging them 
with tweets and statements that deliberately confuse and mislead his 
audience, including the countries or the interests that he is targeting.
 Those close to him say that he has a “laser focus” on objectives that 
are hidden from public view, and among the most consequential of these 
is to repeat what Ronald Reagan did with the USSR, this time in the case
 of the People’s Republic of China. With an eye on trendiness and 
potentialities, Trump “has been aware for over eighteen years” (in the 
words of an individual who has had contact with him even after 20 
January 2017) that “the only threat to the continued primacy of the US 
in the global order is China”, especially now that Xi Jinping, a leader 
in the transformational mould of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping, has 
established firm control over the Chinese Communist Party and through 
that, both the administration as well as the military in what is on 
track to soon being the world’s largest economy.
ATLANTICISTS FIGHT TRUMP
The ecosystem of the Washington Beltway consists of a dense matrix of
 think tanks, consultancies and state, as well as private agencies 
staffed by “experts” who have devoted decades of their lives to 
“understanding issues” from the 1940s perspective of the Atlantic 
Alliance. Although global geopolitics has reduced the significance of 
the European side of the Atlantic and at the same time steadily 
increased the importance of the Asian side of the Pacific, those with 
cosy sinecures within the Beltway remain moored to the 1940s worldview, 
exactly as do the international institutions set up during that period, 
such as the United Nations, the World Bank, NATO and the IMF. All four 
have at the core of their control systems the countries forming the 
Atlantic Alliance, an aberration that continues mainly because US 
policymakers continue to think and act as though the post-1945 world 
still exists, and not the world after the firebreak caused by the 1997 
handover of Hong Kong to China, the event which first gave a glimpse to 
the international community as to the identity of the Second Superpower.
Had India post-2014 adopted the “Minimum Government” model promised 
by Narendra Modi in his 2014 Lok Sabha electoral campaign, by now its 
annual rate of growth would have crossed the 12% mark and by 2019, it 
would have been obvious both that Modi would win a second term and that 
India would soon become the world’s Third Superpower. However, the 
economic policies and administrative practices of the BJP-led government
 have in practice been such as to throw both conclusions into doubt. In 
contrast, the US under Donald Trump and China under Xi Jinping are both 
transforming themselves at speed, with China outpacing the US in the 
extent of internal systemic changes. “Digital India” remains a digital 
colony of the US and China, while “Make Babies in India” seems more 
accurate a description of the present situation than Make Manufactures 
in India. Whether in the US or in China, the policy elites of both agree
 that the immense unlocked potential of India remains locked by a 
governance mechanism that stifles rather than creates value. The manner 
of rollout of GST has made Franz Kafka’s depictions of bureaucracy seem a
 model of simplicity and efficiency, while the less said about the way 
in which the RBI implemented the 8 November 2016 changeover from Rs 
1,000 to Rs 2,000 notes as well as the change in size and colour of Rs 
500 notes, the better for those who seek to keep their blood pressure 
under control. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been badly let down by 
important elements of his team, but being a large-hearted man, this has 
not resulted in any adverse impact on their careers. In fact, the 
reverse has taken place, with several of the “heroes in reverse” of 
demonetisation and the version of GST formulated by North Block moving 
on to higher responsibilities. Similarly, those responsible for missteps
 such as forcing through an alliance between the BJP and the PDP in 
Kashmir or who persisted even after 2014 with the Manmohan brain-free 
plan of an alliance of India with Japan, Brazil and Germany to help 
secure a permanent UN Security Council seat (in fact, the move has 
almost doomed India’s prospects) either remain at their posts or have 
moved on to better pastures, thanks to the generous and forgiving spirit
 that is the distinguishing characteristic of Prime Minister Narendra 
Damodardas Modi.
“The Europeans are hanging on to the coattails of the US and are 
dragging us down while pushing themselves up. This must change”, a key 
confidant of Trumpworld revealed, adding that “the US should not always 
be giving to Europe but should be getting as well, and this is something
 US Presidents (before Trump) have not bothered to ensure”. An associate
 went on to add that “(German Chancellor) Merkel makes much of her 
surplus from trade from the US, but that does not stop her from 
constantly attacking US policies and even the President personally in 
(what she regards as) private gatherings”. At the same time, “to the 
President in person she (Merkel) is very respectful. This is hypocrisy”.
 Another serial offender is UK Prime Minister Theresa May, “who talks to
 her staff in disrespectful terms about the Administration and even the 
President despite the special relationship between the UK and the US”. A
 relationship, he added, which President Trump is fully committed to. He
 pointed out that Trump “early on promised the UK that it would be at 
the head of the queue in trade agreements”, and that “this is a promise 
he intends to keep”, although (Prime Minister) May’s often censorious 
tone has created a distance between the White House and 10 Downing 
Street. Those privy to the thinking of President Trump say that there 
exists substantial evidence that elements of the British establishment 
connived with Hillary Clinton in seeking to damage the Presidential 
prospects of Donald Trump. “The Clintons have maintained extensive and 
lucrative contacts, including with the GCC, Russia and China, but the US
 media and FBI just want to look at the Trump family, “whose own 
contacts are few in comparison to the Clintons or the Bush clan”, a 
senior insider complained, adding that “they cannot forgive the 
President for refusing to be led by the nose the way Obama was for 
almost all his term”.
BEIJING NOT MOSCOW
If Trumpworld insiders are correct, Donald Trump has “for several 
years” known that it is Beijing and not Moscow that needs the undivided 
attention of US policymakers “if the US is to ensure that it remains the
 globe’s largest economy well even in the 21st century”. The US Head of 
State is “an old-fashioned patriot whose eyes still moisten when he sees
 Old Glory (the flag) being lifted”, and “it would be torture to him to 
watch the US economy take second place to that of China”. While a host 
of appointments (such as those of former Secretary of State Rex 
Tillerson) were made “in a futile staff-directed effort to pacify the 
Beltway, increasingly Trump is forming around him a team that 
acknowledges that the primary challenger to US supremacy—in fact, the 
only serious challenger in exactly 99 years—is China. These include 
National Security Advisor John Bolton and Trade Advisor Peter Navarro, 
both of whom have been savaged by the pundits of the Beltway almost as 
viciously as Trump has been. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, while 
Director of Central Intelligence, “paid particular attention to the 
systematic manner in which each and every member of the Trump team and 
family were sought to be approached by individuals linked to the PRC”. 
According to those in contact with the President, “Pompeo warned the 
President each time such an approach was made” and in the case of the 
Trump family at least, “whenever there was such a warning, those close 
to Trump immediately downsized or gave up entirely contacts identified 
as potential or actual agents of influence” or “useful idiots of the 
challenger country” i.e. the People’s Republic of China. Unlike his 
predecessors, “who allowed their (Atlanticist) prejudice against Russia 
to dilute their vigil on China”, Secretary of State Pompeo “is entirely 
on the same page as his boss as to which country needs to be the focus 
of attention and action”. It may be added that Team Trump “has developed
 considerable respect for (Chinese Communist Party General Secretary) Xi
 Jinping for his ruthless determination to ensure that China reaches the
 top of the global table during his tenure”. During his (by now several)
 interactions with President Trump, “it became clear that Xi was quick 
to understand the nuances of an issue and how it could be turned into an
 advantage for China” in a manner absent from his two previous 
predecessors, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao. These Trumpworld fixtures add 
that “the Chinese leadership has become so confident (of the future 
ascendancy of their country) that they openly declare their intentions 
in both manufacturing as well as in technology in words that admit of no
 other meaning than global dominance for the Chinese”. At the same time,
 the “unprecedented scale of the Belt & Road Initiative has exposed 
Team Xi’s ambition to make China the hub of global commerce”, including 
through making the RMB (or Chinese currency) as ubiquitous in global 
financial transactions as the US dollar has been since 1945”.
LAST CHANCE
“If the US had acted in the high-minded manner mouthed by President 
George H.W. Bush after (the events of) 1989 in China and followed a 
policy of constraining the development of that country rather than 
shrugging away 1989 as of little consequence, workers in the US would 
not have undergone the agony of the hollowing out of its manufacturing 
base to China, which took place during the Bush and Clinton period”, an 
insider within Trumpworld said. According to him, “Both Bill Clinton as 
well as the two Bushes (during their terms as President) were indulgent 
to China and cared not a hoot about the economic consequences of such 
generosity to US interests”. He added that “if the sources of some of 
the funds that were made available to the Bush library and private 
interests of family members, and to the Clinton Foundation, were to be 
seriously examined by the FBI, some missing dots and dashes in alien 
influence on US policy may get bridged”. However, “the FBI is desperate 
to protect the Clintons while forcing the removal of President Trump”. 
Why? Because of the “deep roots that the Clinton machine has within the 
agencies, especially the machine’s tactic of assisting in secretly 
providing jobs and other help to those close to agency personnel, 
including spouses, mistresses and children”, beneficence that often 
continued beyond an official’s retirement. “President Trump knows that 
this is the last chance for the US to reverse the seemingly inevitable 
climb of China towards global leadership (replacing the US), and he 
intends to take it, no matter how difficult the path”. Team Trump is 
aware that Xi Jinping is the most formidable competitor the US has had 
since the 1930s, and that “efforts will be made by the lobbies active on
 the East Asian giant’s behalf to scare and shock USG (US Government) 
away from seeking a less one-sided trading relationship with China”. 
Already, he added, “a cacophony has gone up of those arguing in defence 
of the longstanding policy of allowing China to race ahead through 
taking away our technologies”. However, he was emphatic that “the 
President will not be deterred, as he shrugs off abuse and always moves 
ahead doing what he knows has to be done”. The probability is, 
therefore, that the trade scuffles between Beijing and Washington will 
intensify.
THE NORTH KOREAN CASE
Recent US policy towards the DPRK (North Korea) highlights the 
innovative approach of the 45th President of the US, who has thrown away
 (failed) past precedents in his search for a winning strategy. While 
there remains a steady drumbeat of demands that Supreme Leader Kim Jong 
Un denuclearise “completely and irreversibly” (a practical impossibility
 in the technological age), there may be a default strategy hidden away 
in the inventive mind of the unconventional businessperson who has been 
elected to lead his country by the US electorate. This may be to “co-opt
 Kim Jong Un into being a US ally”, exactly the way skilled diplomacy 
(initiated during the period in office of Barack Obama) has resulted in a
 de facto alliance between Hanoi and Washington. Kim is seen as a leader
 untethered to the ideologies of the past, and a steady warming of ties 
with the US may result in his modernising the DPRK economy the way Deng 
Xiaoping did in the 1980s. Such a transformation could come about even 
if the US were not to participate directly in the North Korean economy, 
leaving that to South Korea and to other powers such as India that may 
be eager to tap into the mineral and other resources of the northern 
part of the Korean peninsula. The calculation is that the more the Kim 
Jong Un regime gets integrated into the global economy, the less the 
possibility (or indeed the need) for him to adopt an aggressive line 
with his neighbours. Even Japan’s approach may change, with the hawkish 
Shinzo Abe being replaced with a more conciliatory politician in much 
the same way as Moon Jae-In took over from Park Gun-hye in Seoul. The 
“Surrender or War” option that Abe favours in dealing with Pyongyang 
could result in several hundred thousand Japanese citizens getting 
incinerated in the event of a conflict with North Korea, a reality that 
may persuade enough Japanese voters to move away from Abe to result in 
the defeat of the LDP. Because North Korea is treated as an outlaw (and 
has no other way of securing access to materiel and money than through 
clandestine and unwholesome methods), its weapons capability may be used
 as a threat as a consequence of the hostility against it. However, if 
Pyongyang gets integrated into the world economy (and not just China’s),
 Supreme Leader Kim’s incentive for hostile action would get 
considerably lowered. By giving Kim Jong Un unprecedented “face” through
 the personal meeting, and possibly even a visit to Washington, Present 
Donald Trump has (a) given Kim freedom of action in place of total 
reliance on Beijing and (b) shown him the benefits of adopting a benign 
rather than a threatening demeanour. The Shinzo Abe-John Bolton solution
 (which like the Iraq or Afghanistan campaigns has no Plan B) would 
result in a minimum of two million casualties (President Trump’s own 
estimate is 30 million). Tensions around and within the Korean peninsula
 have for the first time since the 1950s been brought substantially down
 by the personal diplomacy of President Moon of South Korea, Supreme 
Leader Kim of North Korea and, most consequential—indeed 
indispensable—of all, President Trump of the United States.
Although many of his tactics may be camouflaged in “red herring” 
rhetoric, his acolytes say that the objective of President Donald J. 
Trump is clear “in his own complex mind”. It is to retain the Numero Uno
 title of the US against all comers, most notably the formidable 
challenger that is Xi’s China. Ultimately, insiders within the Trump 
ecosystem say that a significant slowdown of the momentum of progress in
 China could get caused by “smart” policy. And that this will result in a
 fall in public support for the Chinese Communist Party sufficient to 
create a mass reaction within that vast country. Hence their confidence 
that President Trump will (especially if he gets a second term) be for 
China what Reagan turned out to be for the USSR.
 
 
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