By M D Nalapat
NDA needs to ask how many believe that their days have become better since 2014.
  
Prime
 Minister Nawaz Sharif of Pakistan was recently adjudged guilty of 
corrupt practices by the judiciary in his country, and immediately 
stepped down from office. Since then, Sharif, daughter Maryam and 
husband Safdar have been found guilty in the Panama Papers case. 
Interestingly, in India, the same Panama revelations appear to have 
generated only a much lower degree of official attention (although of 
course the SIT must, as usual, have had sittings on the matter). Have 
the prominent names from India that were disclosed in the Panama 
revelations, been given the benefit of the doubt? This is, after all, a 
country where Coal Minister Manmohan Singh was declared guiltless by the
 Central government despite a scam involving the allocation of 
coalfields that resulted in the loss of billions of dollars to the 
exchequer. The reasons for which the former Prime Minister (in direct 
charge of Coal at the time) was found innocent of any involvement in the
 scam have yet to be explained, despite statements. For this is in the 
face of statements from some of the officials involved that the former 
PM was fully in the frame when the impugned decisions regarding 
allotment of coalfields was taken. But Manmohan Singh is not as 
charitable towards his successor, as witness the allegation of highway 
robbery made by him with reference to the 8 November 2016 demonetisation
 of 86% of the currency in the country. Since then, a resurgent Congress
 Party has persisted in a barrage of allegations of wrongdoing directed 
against the NDA II government, and this is expected to mount to a 
crescendo just before the next Lok Sabha polls. And while it is true 
that both A. Raja as well as Dayanidhi Maran have as Cabinet Ministers 
been subjected to court proceedings and worse, these were initiated 
while Manmohan Singh was the Prime Minister.
During the 41 months that the NDA has 
been in charge, neither the CBI nor the ED nor the DRI or even the 
Income-Tax Department has prosecuted any UPA-era minister, despite the 
coalition being described by the BJP throughout 2010-14 as being the 
most corrupt in the world. 
These days, from within the NDA, much is 
being made of both Sonia Gandhi and Rahul being “out on bail”. What such
 spokespersons omit to mention is that these proceedings are owed not to
 anything that the government has done, but to the unconnected actions 
of Subramanian Swamy. Of course, a different situation prevails where 
the Ram Janambhoomi is concerned, as both Swamy as well as the Modi 
government have been working strenuously to ensure that the courts clear
 the way for a temple to rise on the birthplace of Lord Ram. 
It has been claimed that the election 
results of the Assembly polls in UP showed that the people of India 
welcomed demonetisation. So does the poor performance of the NDA in 
Punjab and Goa show that the reverse is true, or are only UP voters 
representative of India? Setting aside chatter about EVMs and their 
vulnerabilities, a more plausible explanation for the BJP’s victory was 
that the Muslim community got a hyper-optimistic idea of the prospects 
of the SP-Congress alliance as a consequence of the saturation coverage 
by the media of Rahul Gandhi teaming up with Akhilesh Yadav, and 
thereupon switched from the BSP to the SP-Congress alliance. Had they 
remained with Mayawati, the way it had been predicted before the 
Rahul-Akhilesh handshake, the outcome of the UP polls would have been 
very different. Of course, the BJP gained from the perception of UP 
voters that Narendra Modi would ensure jobs for them, a view that was 
diluted in its potency in states where there were incumbent governments,
 as for example Goa and Punjab. Such anti-incumbency being the case, the
 efficiency with which BJP president Amit Shah has ensured that state 
after state gets ruled by the BJP, may be a mixed blessing. Should there
 be “wave” elections, as in the Modi wave of 2014, and simultaneous 
polls take place to Parliament as well as the state legislatures, it is 
possible that a single party may dominate the political map of the 
country during such polls, the way the Congress did until 1967, only to 
make way for a challenger the next time around. The rate of growth in 
India during earlier years of all-India domination by a single party was
 around 2%. Lately, while the number of states and seats controlled by 
the BJP has been growing, economic growth has slowed down. As for 
scandals from the past such as Bofors, voters in India are not concerned
 about the past as much as they are about the present and the future. 
The question the poll managers of the NDA need to ask is how many voters
 believe that their days have become better since 2014 or not, for that 
will decide the 2019 verdict. 
Despite AAP and Congress-led efforts at 
reducing the esteem voters feel for Prime Minister Modi, he is still far
 and away the most popular politician in the country. This is the trump 
card of the BJP, especially in the Gujarat Assembly polls. Should BJP 
hold on to its majority in that state, it would indicate that voters are
 still hopeful of the Prime Minister delivering on his promise of more 
jobs and higher incomes. Had there been double digit growth in the 
country, Hardik Patel would have got a job through the online job sites 
that he applied on, and the Patidar stir may have been less 
consequential for the state. Patel’s arrest made matters worse, with 
Anandiben Patel doing the young activist the favour of making him a 
hero. Earlier, Home Minister P. Chidambaram had made Anna Hazare a 
global celebrity by incarcerating him in 2011. Should Gujarat remain in 
the BJP column, it would indicate that Modi’s electoral magic is still 
operative, and that in 2019 as well, the BJP should get the 245-plus 
seats the party needs to remain in power in an increasingly politically 
polarised country. Should the Gujarat results prove disappointing for 
the BJP, it would be a warning by that state’s perceptive voters that in
 exchange for support, voters expect a very different scale and style of
 performance from Modi and his ministers during their remaining months 
in office, than has been the case since 26 May 2014.
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